Iran’s protests show no signs of stopping. Sparked by the death of a young Kurdish Iranian woman named Mahsa Zhina Amini after being detained by the morality police, rallies have spread from the towns of Kurdistan to the rest of the country.
The protests are unprecedented in scale and unity: Iranians from different ethnic and regional backgrounds, nonreligious and religious alike, have taken part, defying government threats that rebellion could lead to chaos. And they differ dramatically from past protests that have shaken the country’s leadership.
Authorities have tried to crush the demonstrations with batons, tear gas and bullets. Dozens, and possibly many more, have been killed and many more arrested. But the movement continues. Small groups of protesters move from place to place erecting temporary barricades, yelling out, “Death to the Dictator!” and throwing rocks at cops who try to stop them.
Students at many universities have gone on strike, holding sit-ins and walkouts that have been violently dispersed. Acts of civil disobedience have even spread to high schools, where thousands of girls have defiantly pulled off their mandatory veils and shouted down administrators trying to stop them. Videos show schoolgirls replacing images of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in their classrooms with the slogan of the movement: Woman, Life, Freedom.
The protests’ strength is that they are unorganized and leaderless — a grass-roots expression of discontent. They are led overwhelmingly by young women. Many of those detained are teenagers; the movement is being led by a generation taking part in political dissent for the first time.
The last time Iran saw protests on this scale was after the 2009 elections. Mir-Hossein Mousavi ran against incumbent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in a closely contested vote after years of reformist activism to expand social and political freedom and democratize Iran’s tightly controlled elections, even as the unelected Khamenei, in power since 1989, retained final say.
Enthusiasm and expectations of change were high. I volunteered with Mousavi’s campaign, joining youthful crowds playing music in buoyant get-out-the-vote rallies. Mousavi’s message of freedom, social equality, and expanded rights for ethnic minorities resonated; many believed he stood a good chance of beating Ahmadinejad, known to be Khamenei’s favorite.
These hopes were soon dashed. Election results were released showing an Ahmadinejad victory. But they appeared riddled with errors. Experts soon began raising alarms about widespread vote rigging.
Protests broke out across the country, known as the Green Movement, after Mousavi’s campaign color. Millions demanding transparency joined marches under the slogan: “Where is my vote?” Shortly afterward, authorities cracked down. Security forces opened fire on crowds, killing dozens and detaining thousands more.
The protests eventually died down. The government put opposition candidates under house arrest, where they remain today, cutting the movement’s head off.
In 2009, Iranians were driven to the streets by hope. By casting votes, they believed that change was possible through the elections. Today, in contrast, it is desperation and fury driving Iranians to the streets.
Iran has changed dramatically over the last decade. The imposition of U.S. sanctions since 2011 has undermined the economy, undercut the rial’s value, impoverished ordinary Iranians and cut them off from the rest of the world.
In 2013, millions defied repression to vote for reformist President Hassan Rouhani, who carried the Green Movement’s legacy. But hopes evaporated when President Donald Trump tore up the historic 2015 Iran nuclear agreement and imposed new sanctions. This caused a major backlash against the reformists, who had argued for years that the West could be trusted.